In Greek crisis, one big unhappy EU family

In Greek crisis, one huge unhappy EU family

By Paul Taylor

BRUSSELS (Reuters) – The latest paroxysm of Greece's debt crisis has exposed growing rifts in the euro zone which, unless addressed soon, could lead to the break-up of European monetary union, the EU's most ambitious project.

The most worrying sign for European leaders is that public opinion & domestic politics are pulling them increasingly in opposing directions – not just between Greece & Germany, the biggest debtor & the biggest creditor, yet almost everywhere.

p> Germans, Finns, Dutch, Balts & Slovaks no longer want taxpayers' money to go to bail out Greeks, while the French, Italians & Greeks feel the euro zone is all approximately austerity & punishment & lacks solidarity & economic stimulus.

With central & east European states growing more assertive & the Dutch & Finns facing mounting domestic constraints, a compromise between euro zone leaders Germany & France, increasingly complex to find over Greece, is no longer sufficient to settle the problems.

There are so many stakeholders with divergent views that crisis management is becoming ever more difficult. A far-reaching reform of the 19-nation currency area's flawed structure seems a remote prospect.

After weeks of late-night emergency meetings of leaders & finance ministers, culminating in a tense all-night summit, the euro zone produced a fragile deal to keep Greece afloat by making it a virtual protectorate under intrusive supervision.

Few, if any, of the main protagonists think it will work.

Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras said it was a offensive deal that would make life worse for Greece yet he had swallowed it because the alternative was worse. German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble said Athens would have done better to leave the euro zone – "temporarily" – to obtain a debt write-off.

Chancellor Angela Merkel, Europe's dominant leader, made clear the main virtue of the deal was to avoid something worse.

"The alternative to this agreement would not be a 'time-out' from the euro … yet rather predictable chaos," she said.

A senior EU official involved in brokering the compromise, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said there was now a "20, maybe 30 percent chance of success".

"When I look at the next two to three years, the next three months, I see only black clouds," the official said. "All we succeeded in doing was to avoid a chaotic Grexit."

Problems are likely to resurface in late August or September when it comes to concluding the detailed negotiations on a three-year bailout program. By then Greece's economy may have gone further off the rails & Greeks may be heading for early elections.

The International Monetary Fund is due to make another analysis of Greek debt before a deal is concluded which may well show that only a "haircut", or outright write-down of loans, can make it sustainable.

Schaeuble, who says a "haircut" is illegal in the euro zone, will be waiting with his Plan B for debt relief with Greece outside the currency area.

Even if the third Greek bailout in five years does not trip up at that stage, the chances of it being fully implemented & delivering an economic recovery look slim.

The Greek crisis has moreover widened divisions between euro & non-euro members, with Britain & the Czech Republic insisting on guarantees for their taxpayers' money in exchange for using an EU-wide bailout fund for bridge finance.

If the Greek crisis were the euro zone's only worry, it might be easier to isolate & resolve it, since financial markets have shown little sign of the contagion to other weak sovereigns' bonds that threatened to tear it apart in 2012.

Greece has been such a distraction that leaders barely noted an significant report authored by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker with the heads of four other EU institutions on how to make the monetary union work better.

That is arguably the biggest challenge facing the EU, yet there is little sign of willingness to contemplate pooling more fiscal sovereignty or sharing more usual liabilities as the authors say is required.

The debt crisis that began in 2010 led to the creation of some new institutions to strengthen the currency area – a permanent bailout fund, stricter enforcement of fiscal rules, a single banking supervisor & a joint mechanism for winding down failed banks.

But German-led opposition to mutualising debt, French-led resistance to yielding more control over national budgets & the electoral rise of Eurosceptic populist parties prevented the euro area going further.

In Brussels, there is much talk of how the latest Greek crisis should prompt a leap forward in integration to strengthen the euro zone, yet it's not clear what progress is possible.

Among the quick wins suggested by the "five presidents' report" is a usual deposit insurance scheme for euro zone banks that are under ECB supervision & a fiscal backstop for a bank resolution fund being raised from the finance sector.

Whether such ideas will fly in Berlin remains to be seen. In the longer term, after 2017, the report envisages setting up a euro area treasury accountable at the European level.

French President Francois Hollande suggested this month creating a parliament for the euro zone to donate decisions greater democratic legitimacy.

Such ambitious visions stand at odds with frantic nocturnal crisis management & the increasingly divisive nationalist tone of much of the debate in the euro area.

(Writing by Paul Taylor, editing by Richard Mably)


Source: “Reuters”

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